Nazi Collaboration with Arabs in Palestine to Target Jews

During World War II, Nazi Germany forged a sinister alliance with certain Arab leaders in the British Mandate of Palestine, a region then home to both Arab and Jewish communities, all officially termed “Palestinians” under British rule. This collaboration, rooted in mutual opposition to Jewish immigration and British authority, sought to undermine the Allied powers and extend the Nazi campaign of extermination to the Jews of this contested land. At its core was Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, whose exile led him to Berlin, where he aligned with Adolf Hitler in their shared hostility toward Zionism and its growing presence in the region. Though the Axis powers never seized Palestine, their partnership with Arab figures cast a long shadow over the wartime Middle East—a shadow that lingers in surprising ways today. How did Nazi ideology intersect with Arab grievances to target the Jewish population in this British-administered territory? This article uncovers the origins, actions, and enduring echoes of this dark chapter.

The Middle East in World War II

The roots of Nazi collaboration with Arab leaders in the British Mandate of Palestine lie in a volatile mix of colonial tensions, nationalist fervor, and global war. Established after World War I under the League of Nations, the Mandate gave Britain control over a region stretching from the Mediterranean to the Jordan River, home to both Arab and Jewish inhabitants. By the 1930s, British policies encouraging Jewish immigration—driven by the Balfour Declaration’s promise of a “national home” for Jews—had sparked deep resentment among the Arab majority, who feared displacement and loss of sovereignty. This unrest boiled over in the 1936–1939 Arab Revolt, a violent uprising against British rule and Jewish settlement, leaving a fractured society as World War II loomed.

When war broke out in 1939, the Middle East became a strategic prize. Nazi Germany, eager to weaken Britain’s empire, saw opportunity in the region’s instability. Palestine, though not a primary battlefield, sat near critical theaters like North Africa, where Axis forces under Erwin Rommel aimed to seize Egypt and beyond. For the Nazis, supporting Arab discontent was a means to destabilize British control and disrupt supply lines, such as the Suez Canal. Meanwhile, many Arabs, chafing under colonial rule and alarmed by Jewish communities— with additional refugees fleeing Europe—viewed the Axis powers as potential liberators. This convergence of interests set the stage for collaboration, particularly with figures like Haj Amin al-Husseini, who sought to leverage Nazi power against both the British and the Jews.

Yet the region was no monolith. While some Arabs welcomed Nazi overtures, a few remained loyal to the Allies or prioritized local concerns over foreign ideologies. For the Jewish population, numbering over 450,000 by 1940, the war heightened an already existential struggle, as Nazi anti-Semitism threatened to follow them even to Palestine. Caught between these forces, the Mandate became a crucible where global ambitions and local grievances dangerously intertwined.

The Grand Mufti and Nazi Leadership

At the heart of Nazi collaboration with Arabs in the British Mandate of Palestine stood Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, a religious and political leader whose influence stretched far beyond his title. Appointed by the British in 1921, al-Husseini emerged as a fierce opponent of Jewish immigration and British rule, orchestrating the 1936–1939 Arab Revolt. After the revolt’s suppression, he fled Palestine in 1937, evading arrest through stints in Lebanon and Iraq. By 1941, with Axis powers ascendant, he arrived in Nazi Germany, seeking allies to advance his cause. His exile marked the beginning of a pivotal partnership with Adolf Hitler and other high-ranking Nazis, united by a shared hatred of Jews and Britain.

The Grand Mufti told Nazis he fully supported the Jews’ complete annihilation. Himmler gave Mufti rank of gruppenführer (general) in the SS, a monthly allowance & an Arab Bureau in Berlin. He was on Radio Berlin nightly inciting Arabs to “kill the Jews.”

On November 28, 1941, al-Husseini met Hitler in Berlin, a encounter that crystallized their mutual goals. The Mufti pressed for German support to halt Jewish migration to Palestine and secure Arab independence from British rule, while Hitler saw in him a propagandist and agitator to unsettle the Middle East. Records of the meeting reveal Hitler’s promise to extend the “Final Solution” to the region once Axis forces prevailed, a vision al-Husseini embraced. Beyond Hitler, the Mufti forged ties with Heinrich Himmler, architect of the Holocaust, and Joachim von Ribbentrop, the Nazi foreign minister, who valued his ability to rally Arab support. Al-Husseini’s charisma and authority as a Muslim leader made him a linchpin in Nazi outreach to the Arab world.

While al-Husseini was the most prominent figure, he was not alone in bridging Nazi and Arab interests. In Iraq, figures like Rashid Ali al-Gaylani, who led a pro-Axis coup in 1941, shared similar anti-British and anti-Jewish sentiments, though their focus lay outside Palestine. Within the Mandate, al-Husseini’s influence persisted through loyalists who echoed his calls for resistance. For Nazi leaders, he was less a partner in conquest—Germany never controlled Palestine—than a strategic asset in a war of ideology and disruption. Together, they laid plans that, while unrealized, revealed the chilling scope of their ambitions.

Forms of Collaboration

The collaboration between Nazi Germany and Arab leaders like Haj Amin al-Husseini manifested in concrete actions aimed at undermining British rule and targeting Jews in the British Mandate of Palestine. While direct military operations in the region never materialized due to Axis setbacks, their joint efforts spanned propaganda, recruitment, and sinister plans to extend Nazi extermination policies. These initiatives, though limited by wartime realities, amplified tensions and threatened the Jewish population in Palestine.

Propaganda: A cornerstone of the collaboration was Nazi Germany’s Arabic-language radio broadcasts, beamed from powerful transmitters like the one in Zeesen, near Berlin. Starting in 1939, these programs blended anti-British rhetoric with virulent anti-Semitism, urging Arabs to rise against colonial rule and Jewish immigration. After his arrival in Germany in 1941, al-Husseini became a frequent voice on air, delivering speeches that fused Islamic themes with Nazi ideology. He branded Jews as enemies of Islam and accused Britain of betraying Arab aspirations, reaching listeners across the Middle East, including Palestine. Though radio ownership was scarce—only about one in ten Palestinian households had sets by 1942—the broadcasts found an audience in cafes and among elites, sowing discord and reinforcing local grievances.

Military Recruitment: Beyond words, al-Husseini sought to mobilize fighters for the Axis cause. In 1943, he played a key role in recruiting Bosnian Muslims into the 13th Waffen-SS Handschar Division, a unit trained to suppress resistance in Yugoslavia. While this effort focused on Europe, he also called for Arab volunteers to join the fight against the Allies, envisioning a broader Muslim uprising. In Palestine, his influence was less direct but still felt—leaflets and messages circulated by his supporters urged resistance against British and Jewish targets. These recruitment drives yielded limited numbers, as Axis losses in North Africa curtailed their reach, but they underscored al-Husseini’s commitment to a militarized alliance.

Planning the Holocaust’s Extension: Perhaps the most chilling aspect of the collaboration was the intent to bring Nazi genocide to Palestine. During his meetings with Hitler and Himmler, al-Husseini pushed for the destruction of the region’s Jewish population, estimated at over 450,000 by 1942. Nazi officials, anticipating victory over British forces in North Africa, discussed deploying Einsatzgruppen—mobile killing squads—to the Middle East if Rommel’s Afrika Korps broke through Egypt. Al-Husseini’s role was to prepare the ideological ground, inciting violence and identifying targets. Though Rommel’s defeat at El Alamein in November 1942 halted these plans, the blueprint revealed a shared vision of extermination that hinged on Axis success.

These efforts, while thwarted by military failure, demonstrated the practical dimensions of Nazi-Arab collaboration. From airwaves to battlefields, al-Husseini and his German allies pursued a campaign that, had circumstances differed, could have brought unimaginable devastation to Palestine’s Jews.

Impact on Jews in Palestine

Fields on fire at the Gan-Shmuel Kibbutz. Picture taken around 1937

The collaboration between Nazi Germany and Arab leaders like Haj Amin al-Husseini cast a menacing shadow over the Jewish population in the British Mandate of Palestine, amplifying an already precarious existence. By 1942, over 450,000 Jews lived in the region, some having fled European persecution, only to face new threats fueled by Axis ambitions and local hostility. While the Holocaust never reached Palestine’s shores due to Allied victories, the partnership’s propaganda, incitement, and contingency plans heightened fear and spurred defensive measures among Jewish communities.

The most immediate danger came from the prospect of an Axis invasion. In 1941 and 1942, Erwin Rommel’s Afrika Korps advanced across North Africa, reaching within 100 miles of the Suez Canal by mid-1942. A breakthrough into Egypt could have opened the door to Palestine, bringing Nazi killing squads and al-Husseini’s vision of extermination. British authorities, aware of this risk, prepared evacuation plans for key personnel, but for the Jewish population, flight was not an option. Communities like Tel Aviv and Haifa braced for the worst, with rumors of Nazi atrocities in Europe—confirmed by reports like the 1942 Riegner Telegram—intensifying dread of a similar fate.

Al-Husseini’s propaganda and influence added a local dimension to the threat. His Arabic radio broadcasts from Germany, heard in Palestine’s towns and villages, vilified Jews as invaders and called for their expulsion or destruction. This rhetoric built on earlier violence, such as the 1929 Hebron massacre and the 1936–1939 Arab Revolt, where al-Husseini had rallied Arabs against Jewish settlers. During the war, his supporters in Palestine echoed these messages, distributing leaflets and stoking unrest. Though no large-scale pogroms erupted, sporadic attacks—like the 1941 looting of Jewish shops in Jaffa—kept tensions simmering, fueled by the Mufti’s distant incitement.

Jews evacuate the Old City of Jerusalem after Arab riots in 1936.

In response, the Jewish community mobilized. The Haganah, a paramilitary group formed in the 1920s, intensified training and stockpiled arms, preparing to resist both an Axis invasion and local assaults. In 1942, as Rommel neared Egypt, Haganah leaders devised the “Carmel Plan,” a last-ditch strategy to defend Mount Carmel as a stronghold if Palestine fell. Meanwhile, some Jews volunteered for the British Army, with over 26,000 serving by war’s end, driven by the dual need to fight Nazis abroad and protect their homes. The collaboration’s psychological toll was profound—families lived with the constant specter of annihilation, unsure if salvation lay in Allied victories or their own defiance.

Ultimately, Rommel’s defeat at El Alamein in November 1942 averted disaster. Yet the Nazi-Arab partnership left an indelible mark, reinforcing the Jewish population’s sense of isolation and urgency. It was a stark reminder that even in Palestine, a refuge from Europe’s horrors, the specter of anti-Semitism loomed large.

Arab Resistance and Complexity

While Haj Amin al-Husseini and other Arab leaders aligned with Nazi Germany, some of the Arab population in the British Mandate of Palestine and beyond did not embrace this collaboration. There is some evidence of resistance to Nazi overtures, acts of goodwill toward Jews, and a focus on local priorities over foreign ideologies reveal a more complex picture.

Notable examples of Arab opposition to the Axis emerged across the region. In Tunisia, Khaled Abdul-Wahab, an Arab notable, risked his life to shelter Jewish families from Vichy and Nazi persecution in 1942–1943, hiding them on his farm during German occupation. Farther afield, Morocco’s Sultan Mohammed V defied Vichy France’s anti-Jewish laws, refusing to deport his Jewish subjects and reportedly declaring, “There are no Jews in Morocco, only Moroccans.”

Other Arab leaders and communities prioritized anti-colonial struggles against Britain over alignment with Germany, viewing the Nazis as just another foreign power with little to offer beyond promises. Others maintained neutrality, focusing on daily survival amid war and economic hardship rather than ideological crusades.

The Druze, a small but distinct minority in Palestine. Numbering around 10,000 in the Mandate by the 1940s, primarily in the Galilee and Mount Carmel, the Druze had cultivated pragmatic relations with Jewish communities since the 1930s. Unlike other Arab factions, they largely abstained from the 1936–1939 Arab Revolt, and during World War II, many maintained neutrality or quietly cooperated with Jews against common threats. This stemmed from a history of mutual support—Jewish groups like the Haganah occasionally aided Druze villages against Arab reprisals, fostering a tacit alliance. This friendship and symbiotic relationship endures to this day.

Aftermath and Legacy

The defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945 halted the immediate threat of its collaboration with Arab leaders like Haj Amin al-Husseini, but the partnership’s echoes reverberated beyond the war’s end. In the British Mandate of Palestine and the wider Middle East, the ideological seeds sown during this alliance influenced post-war dynamics, particularly in the escalating Arab-Jewish conflict. Al-Husseini’s actions and the Nazi propaganda he championed left a complex legacy, blending anti-Semitism with regional grievances in ways that persisted.

After Germany’s surrender, al-Husseini evaded Allied justice. Escaping from French custody in 1946, he fled to Cairo, where he was welcomed by Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood and other Arab nationalists. From there, he resumed his anti-Zionist campaign, playing a key role in organizing Arab resistance to the 1947 UN partition plan for Palestine. As the 1947–1948 Arab-Israeli War erupted following Israel’s declaration of independence, al-Husseini chaired the Arab Higher Committee, rallying forces against the nascent Jewish state. Though his military influence waned—his units were poorly coordinated and outmatched—his wartime rhetoric found new life, framing Jews as perpetual enemies in a narrative partly shaped by Nazi ideology.

The collaboration’s ideological imprint proved more enduring than its immediate outcomes. Nazi Arabic propaganda, which al-Husseini had amplified, introduced anti-Semitic tropes—such as Jewish conspiracies and racial inferiority—into segments of Arab discourse. Post-war, these ideas surfaced in publications and speeches by nationalist and Islamist groups, from Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood to Syria’s Ba’athists. In Palestine, the war’s end did not erase the tensions stoked by years of incitement; instead, it fueled a rejection of Jewish statehood that drew, at times, on the Mufti’s Nazi-inspired rhetoric. Historians note that while anti-Zionism predated this period, the collaboration lent it a sharper, more genocidal edge in certain circles.

Beyond ideology, the partnership shaped regional perceptions. The failure of Axis plans spared Palestine’s Jews from the Holocaust, but it deepened their distrust of Arab neighbors, reinforcing the Zionist push for self-reliance.

Conclusion

The collaboration between Nazi Germany and Arab leaders like Haj Amin al-Husseini in the British Mandate of Palestine was a wartime convergence of mutual hatreds—against Jews, against Britain—that never fully achieved its destructive aims. Thwarted by Axis defeats, it nonetheless wove propaganda, incitement, and genocidal intent into the fabric of an already tense region. From al-Husseini’s radio broadcasts to plans for extending the Holocaust, this partnership amplified threats to Palestine’s Jews, leaving them to fortify their defenses amid uncertainty. Its scope, though limited by circumstance, revealed how global ideologies could exploit local conflicts, with consequences that outlasted the war itself.

Decades later, traces of this alliance persist in unsettling ways. Evidence suggests that some Palestinians today still idolize Adolf Hitler, a legacy tied to the anti-Semitic currents al-Husseini helped propagate. In recent years, swastikas have appeared on walls in Gaza and the West Bank, alongside social media posts praising Hitler as a foe of Zionism—examples include a 2019 Facebook tribute from a Gaza resident calling him “our beloved leader” and a 2021 X post from Hebron lauding his “resistance.” documented by observers and watchdog groups, reflect a lingering reverence among certain segments, often framed as defiance against Israel. This enduring echo of Nazi influence underscores the collaboration’s lasting ideological mark, a dark thread woven into the region’s complex tapestry.

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